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ADDRESS 

TO 

OF ALL, nEJYO*WIJV*MTIO.VS, 

ON THE 

INCONSISTENCY OF ADMITTING 

SL.AVE-HOLDER& 

TO 
COMMUNION AND CHURCH MEMBERSHIP. 



3 ! 



" He that atealeth a man, and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he 
shall surely be put to death."— Exodus xxi. 16. 

" I know that the Lord will maintain the cause of the afflicted, and the right 
<*f the poor."— Psalms clx. 12. 



IOv 



FH1LADE1%^ . olf .O 

S. C. Atkinson, Printer.* .- - 

12 Hudson's Alley. 

1831. 



^ 



The merit of originating the following treatise is due 
io Ebenezer Dole, a benevolent citizen of HallowelL, 
Maine, who, from a thorough conviction of the iniquity 
of slavery, and its utter inconsistency with the precept* 
of the gospel, was induced to remit fifty dollars to the 
Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Sla- 
very, &c. to be awarded to the writer of the best essay 
on the following subject: "The Duty of Ministers and 
Churches, of all denominations, to avoid the stain of 
Slavery, and to make the holding of slaves a barrier to 
communion and church membership." Three members 
of the Pennsylvania Society were named by the donor 
to examine the essays offered, and decide upon their 
merits. Notice of the offered premium was given in the 
papers of this city, and copied into others at a distance ; 
and six months were allowed, from the date of the notice, 
for the production of essays. The committee of three, 
after examining those received, awarded the premium to 
Evan Lewis, the author of the following treatise, -which 
is published by order of the Society. It is submitted to 
the candid arid impartial examination of ministers and 
professors of religion, of every denomination, with an 
ardent desire that they may seriously consider the great 
responsibility that rests upon them, as Christians, to ex- 
ert their influence in the cause of suffering humanity, 
that the dark and portentous cloud which hangs over our 
country may be dispelled by the peaceable, but powerful, 
agency of christian principles. 



ADDRESS TO CHRISTIANS. 



. The state of slavery in the United States is so totally 
at variance with the genius of our free institutions, and 
so repugnant to the spirit and design of the christian re- 
ligion, that nothing but habit and a long familiarity with 
the corrupt system, could reconcile republicans to its 
existence. Its toleration, in this country, presents so 
broad a contrast between profession and practice, that 
wise and good men behold the example with grief and 
astonishment. 

When about to enter on the examination of the ques- 
tion of slavery, for the purpose of exhibiting its incon- 
sistency with the precepts of the christian religion, tht 
following questions are naturally suggested: — What is 
the condition implied by the word slavery, in this con- 
nexion ? What is the nature and character of that sys- 
tem which we are about to examine ? 

"Negro Slavery. What term was ever more familiar to 
the public ear, and yet what term is so little understood? 
It has been the theme of many eloquent public speeches, 
of many parliamentary debates, and of much controversy, 
at different periods, in pamphlets and periodical prints. 
Yet, were a mind new to the subject to inquire, what is 
specifically and practically that state of man, about which 
so much has been said and written; what is that slavery 
which exists in the United States and the West Indies, I 
a2 



know not in which of the many able arguments before 
the public, an adequate answer would be found."* 

There is, perhaps, no word in the English language 
which has been used more indefinitely, or applied more 
variously, than that of slavery. It has been applied to 
civil disabilities, and to mental degradation. The repub- 
lican considers all those who are the subjects of despotic 
governments, in a state of slavery. The Christian mo- 
ralist applies the same appellation to the controlling in- 
fluence of the passions, to the subjects of pernicious 
habits and sinful propensities; while the historian adopts 
the same term to designate the kind of servitude that 
existed among the nations of antiquity, which differed as 
widely from the slavery to which our attention is now 
directed, as the civil condition of the people of the United 
States does from that of the subjects of the Russian 
empire. 

To define it accurately, or to give an adequate idea of 
the precise condition implied by the word in the present 
essay, will not be so easy as might be supposed. Yet,. 
some attempt to portray, in its genuine colours, and dis- 
tinctive features, the state of negro slavery in this coun- 
try, seems necessary to a right estimate of the merits of 
the question to be discussed. 

" Negro slavery, as existing in the United States and 
British West Indies, appears to be a creature sui generis, 
unknown to the ancients; and, though drawn from the 
least cultivated quarter of the globe, unknown even there, 
except in a passing state.' 'f It is a system that finds no 
counterpart in the annals of the most barbarous nations 
on earth. In many of it3 features it is more arbitrary > 
more oppressive, more cruel and degrading, than the ser- 
vitude found among the ancients. Slavery in the United 
States and the West Indies, is the same in its general 
features and character; and the observations that apply 
to the one, will be, in most cases, equally applicable to 
the other. 

" The leading idea in the negro system of jurispru- 
dence, (in the West Indies,) is that which was first in the 
* Stephen. t African Obaerrer. 



minds of those most interested in its formation; namely , 
that negroes were property. They were not regarded as 
rational or sentient beings, capable of rights; but as 
chattels, the civil character of which was absorbed in 
the dominion of the owner."* 

" Slavery was introduced and established in the colo- 
nies in a manner very different from that which is com- 
monly supposed. It was not there originally derived 
from, nor is it yet expressly sanctioned or defined by any 
positive laws; — it stands, for the most part, on the au- 
thority of custom alone." 

" This custom, though it sprang from the imaginations 
of the most illiterate, as well as the most worthless of 
mankind, had two qualities of the sublime: it was terri- 
ble and it was simple. Its single, but comprehensive idea 
was, 'that the slave is the absolute property of the master;'' 
from which the Buccaneers, though no expert logicians, 
had clearly deduced the consequence, that they might 
treat their negroes, in all respects, as they pleased; for, 
-a man,' they naturally argued, l may do what he will with 
his own. 1 ""J" 

The same idea prevails in regard to the negro slave of 
the United States. He is treated in all respects as chat- 
tels, the property of the master — subject to seizure and 
sale for the payment of his debts — liable to be separated 
from all that he holds dear in life, and sold to a stranger, 
and transported to a distant region, without his consent. 
Husbands and wives may be torn asunder; parents and 
children may be separated, at the will and caprice of the 
owner. The strongest ties of nature, and the most en- 
dearing associations of home and of kindred may be 
severed; and for these abuses of power the slave has no 
legal redress. He is doomed to hopeless and intermina- 
ble servitude, and transmits this humiliating condition to 
his posterity for ever. 

The servile condition among the ancients was essen- 
tially different in its character from the state of negro 
Blavery. The two conditions have scarcely any thing 

* Reeves on the Colonial Slave Laws. 
t Stephen. 



common, but the name. The Helots of Sparta could not 
be sold beyond the bounds of their little state. " They 
were the farmers of the soil at fixed rates which the pro- 
prietor could not raise without dishonour. Hence they 
had the power of acquiring wealth."* They were the 
servants of the state rather than of individuals. " At 
Athens, where the lenient treatment of slaves was pro- 
verbial, the door of freedom was widely open; and those 
who were unlucky enough to meet a cruel master, might 
fly to the temple of Theseus, from whence they were not 
taken without an investigation of their complaints. If 
the ill treatment was found to be real, they were either 
enfranchised or transferred to merciful hands."! The 
slaves of the island of Crete exchanged situations with 
their masters, once a year, at the feast of Mercury; and 
cruelty and injustice were prohibited by law. The Egyp- 
tian slave might flee to the temple of Hercules, and find 
safety from the cruelty and persecution of his master. 
Among the Romans, the authority of the master over the 
servant was regulated by the same laws as that of the 
father over his son, with this difference in favour of the 
servant, that if he were once manumitted, he ever after- 
wards remained free; while the father might sell his son 
a second and a third time into slavery. » 

The servile class among the ancients were often supe-"* 
rior in intellectual attainments to their masters. They 
were not restrained, by law or usage, from the acquisi- 
tion of knowledge; neither were they excluded from the 
privilege of giving testimony, even against their masters. 
When cruelly treated, they had a right to prefer their 
grievances to the civil authorities, and the magistrates 
were bound to hear and redress their wrongs. 

But the negro slave of the United States is deprived of 
all these advantages. He has no rights of his own; they 
are all merged in the dominion of his master. He is not^ 
competent witness against a white person; has no tribunal 
to which he can legally resort for justice; no asylum to 
which he may flee from cruelty and persecution, and find 
safety. He is, in most cases, no better than an outlaw 

* African Observer. t Stephen 



in the midst of a civilized and christian community; de- 
prived by legislative enactments of the advantages of 
intellectual culture; debased and brutalised by a system 
the most odious and revolting to humanity that the world 
ever beheld; and stigmatised as unworthy of the common 
rights of man, because of the degradation which this 
system must necessarily produce. These, then, are some 
of the features which distinguish the servile condition 
known among heathen nations, from the absolute and 
hopeless slavery of the African race, in this christian 
country — this land of liberty and equal rights — this asy- 
lum for the oppressed of all nations. It is against a sys- 
tem of wrongs the most wanton — of oppression the most 
galling and degrading to human nature, that the christian 
minister and christian societies are called upon to bear 
their testimony to the world. What theme can be more 
suited to the functions of a christian minister, than such 
a combination of wrongs and injuries, of cruelty and in- 
justice? What moral pestilence more deserving the 
interposing influence of christian ministers to check its 
ravages? Let them, like the mitred Israelite, place 
themselves between the living and the dead, and stay the 
plague. 

It has been said, in palliation of negro slavery, that the 
law of Moses recognized and sanctioned the practice of 
holding slaves. Such an argument would be more con- 
sistent in the mouth of a Jew than a Christian. Are we 
to turn from the precepts and authority of our Lord and 
Master, to the rituals of the Mosaic law which he came 
to fulfil and to abolish ? Shall we leave the dispensation 
of the gospel, and go back for authority to that dispensa- 
tion which was permitted only till the time of reforma- 
tion ? 

But granting, for the sake of argument, the civil pro- 
visions of the law of Moses to be obligatory upon us, the 
advocates of negro slavery would gain nothing by the ad- 
mission. For we have already shown that the latter has 
no parallel in ancient history. If the comparatively mild 
system of servitude which existed among the Hebrews 
and the neighbouring nations, was sanctioned by the Jew- 



10 

ish law-giver, does it follow that the more cruel and de- 
basing bondage in which the negro race are held in the 
United States, would also have been tolerated? The 
many humane provisions contained in the law, in favour 
of the bond servant, prove the contrary — provisions which, 
if admitted into our code, would be found incompatible 
with the present system. That of Deuteronomy, xxiii. 15 
and 16, would alone be sufficient to put an end to slavery 
in this country, and proves the mildness of servitude 
among the Hebrews. " Thou shalt not deliver unto his 
master the servant which is escaped from his master unto 
thee; he shall dwell with thee, even among you in that 
place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates where 
it liketh him best: thou shalt not oppress him." Again: 
The penalty for man-stealing, by the 21st chapter of 
Exodus, verse 16th, is death. "And he that stealeth 
a man, and selleth" him, or if he be found in his hand, he 
shall surely be put to death." The crime is ranked in 
immediate connexion with the capital offence of smiting 
or cursing father or mother, and the same punishment is 
awarded to each. The 26th and 27th verses of the same 
chapter ordains, that " if a man smite the eye of his ser- 
vant, or his handmaid, so that it perish; or if he smite 
out his servant's tooth, he shall go free for the eye, or the 
tooth's sake." Besides, an effectual limit is put to that 
species of servitude practised among the Hebrews, in the 
25th chapter of Leviticus, verse 54, which provides that 
the servant shall go out free in the year of Jubilee, "both 
he, and his children with him." This provision is gene- 
ral, and applies to all servants, without distinction or na- 
tion, country or religion. But the Hebrew servant was 
to be free at the end of six years, the utmost limit 
of his servitude, which the law provides. "And if thy 
brother, an Hebrew man, or a Hebrew woman, be sold 
unto thee, and serve thee six years; then in the seventh 
year thou shalt let him go free from thee. And when 
thou sendest him out free from thee, thou shalt not let 
him go away empty. Thou shalt furnish him liberally 
out of thy flock, and out of thy flour, and out of thy wine- 
press," &c. (See Deut. xv. 12 to 14.) 



it 

If the Mosaic law is to be resorted to in justification 
of slavery, let us take the whole of it as it was given by 
the inspired law-giver; and let not the hapless servant be 
deprived of its lenient provisions in his favour. If we are 
to be Jews and not Christians, let us at least be consist- 
ent Jews, and conform literally to all the instructions of 
our law-giver. 

Do we look for any palliation, much less authority, for 
the practice of slavery in the precepts of the gospel ? We 
shall search in vain. The religion of Jesus Christ teaches 
us to do good for evil — to forgive even our enemies — to 
do in all cases to others as we would wish that they should 
do unto us — to love the Lord our God with all our heart 
and our neighbour as ourselves. 

The gospel dispensation was announced to the Jews in 
the fulfilment of the declaration of the prophet Isaiah: 
"The spirit of the Lord God is upon me; because the 
Lord hath anointed me to preach glad tidings unto the 
meek: he hath sent me to bind up the broken hearted, to 
proclaim liberty to the captives, and the opening of the pri- 
son to them that are bound.'''' — Isaiah Ixi. 1. — Luke iv. 18. 
And the spirit and precepts of the Christian religion are 
in harmony and accordance with this first public testimo- 
ny of our Lord. If we fulfil the injunction of our reli- 
gion, to do to others as we would wish them to do unto 
us — if we love our neighbour as ourselves, can we con- 
sign him and his posterity to hopeless and interminable 
slavery ? Nay, are we not walking in the footsteps of 
the Scribes and Pharisees, who bound heavy burdens 
upon men's shoulders, and would not move them with one 
of their fingers ? And if we thus actively and knowingly 
violate the precepts of the gospel, and the commands of 
Jesus Christ, can we be Christians? Can we with any 
colour of justice call ourselves the disciples of Him who 
came to preach deliverance to the captive, and the open- 
ing of the prison doors to them that were bound ? 

But the case of Onesimus has been " alleged to give 
an implied sanction to negro slavery," because Onesimus 
was a slave, and he was sent back to his master, a chris- 
tian convert, without any injunction to alter his condition. 



12 

To this it has been replied, that Christianity, in this, as 
in many other cases, has provided, without express pre- 
cepts, a sure and inoffensive corrective of all oppressive 
institutions, by the gradual influence of its liberal and be- 
nignant maxims; which did, in point of fact, dissolve the 
bonds of slavery in most parts of the christian world. — 
Hence, it is assumed on the one hand, and admitted on 
the other, that the state of Onesimus was substantially the 
same with that of negro slavery; an assumption without 
any evidence, and grossly contrary to the fact. And un- 
til it is shown by something stronger than the coincidence 
of a vague general appellation, that the case of Onesimus 
and that of negro slavery are in moral considerations 
the same, it is false reasoning to infer the lawfulness of 
the one, from the supposed toleration of the other." 

If, then, the negro slavery of the United States and the 
West Indies has no parallel in the practice of the nations 
of antiquity — if the servitude which existed among the 
ancients, was gradually abolished in Europe by the ope- 
ration of the mild but effectual influence of Christianity — 
and if the modern system of negro slavery finds no sup- 
port in the scriptures, either of the Old or New Testa- 
ment, and is directly at variance with the spirit and de- 
sign of the gospel of Christ, how can christian societies, 
and christian ministers absolve themselves from the duty 
imposed upon them by their profession or calling, of en- 
deavouring, by every means in their power, to lessen the 
evils of slavery, and finally to effect its total abolition? — 
That such a duty is obligatory upon them, scarcely ad- 
mits of a doubt. For what are the legitimate objects of 
christian societies ? The most obvious and important de- 
signs of such associations appear to be, to promote the 
cause of truth and righteousness in the world — to extend 
the Redeemer's kingdom among men — to turn people 
from darkness to light, and from the power of satan unto 
God. Can truth be promoted by the toleration of slave- 
ry? Can righteousness exist in connexion with wrongs, 
injustice and oppression? Can the Redeemer's kingdom 
be extended in the hearts of those who bind heavy bur- 
dens upon their fellow men, which neither we nor our 



13 

fathers were willing to bear? Can those men be turned 
from darkness to light who will not permit the slave to be 
taught to read the volume of inspiration, while the lash 
of the task-master is still sounding in their ears? Can 
they be rescued from the power of satan, who permit the 
dearest ties in nature to be broken by members of reli- 
gious societies? Are men's hearts turned unto the God 
of love, who made of one blood all the families of the 
earth, when those who assume the name of Christians 
turn a deaf ear to the cries of the oppressed, and re- 
gard not with feelings of compassion the agonizing tears 
of the mother, when torn from the offspring of her love? 
Can these things be tolerated by the professors of that 
religion which breathes peace on earth and good will to 
all men — which, in its nature and design, is gentle and 
easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits? 

The enormity and magnitude of the evils of slavery in 
the United States — its demoralizing tendency upon the 
community, where it prevails to any considerable extent 
— and the tremendous and appalling consequences to this 
favoured nation which must result from its continuance, 
would furnish ample materials to fill a volume. The 
limits of this essay will not permit me to discuss these 
points at large. But when we reflect that there are now 
little short of two millions of this degraded cast within 
our borders, and that their number is rapidly increasing; 
in some of the States in a ratio much higher than that of 
the white inhabitants, — that there are born in the United 
States, annually, about seventy thousand human beings 
in the condition of slaves for life; — the subject demands 
the solemn consideration of every christian philanthro- 
pist, to mitigate its horrors, and to devise the most effec- 
tual means for its extinction. 

What means would be better adapted to the end — what 
course more consistent with the doctrines and precepts, 
the spirit and tendency of the christian religion, than for 
religious societies and christian ministers to join heart 
and hand for the accomplishment of this important object ? 
The powerful and extensive influence which religious as- 
sociations exercise over the minds of the people would 
C 



14 

give efficiency and force to their exertions in the right"- 
eous cause. Every man who reflects coolly on the sub- 
ject would feel that their testimony against slavery wa? 
just, and founded in the eternal principles of rectitude and 
truth, which the ever varying circumstances of this world 
cannot alter. Hence the voice of conscience, on the one 
hand, would second the labours of religious instructions 
on the other, and the iniquity of slavery would be seen 
and felt by all classes of professors. More good would 
thus be effected by associating religion with abolition, 
(and what association can be conceived more natural,) 
than can be accomplished by benevolent individuals alone, 
or by abolition societies, or associations of statesmen and 
politicians. These are limited and partial in their opera- 
tion. They are confined in their influence to small por- 
tions of the community, and cannot so generally, and ef- 
fectually influence public opinion, as the united efforts of 
religious Societies. For religion comes home to the feel- 
ings, and to the domestic circle of almost every man of 
influence in our country. It is the business of every 
man's life to prepare for that state of retribution which 
awaits us when done with time. And all are more or less 
subject to the influence of those important duties, and 
high responsibilities which religion presents for their con- 
sideration. Let then the clergy from the pulpit bear a 
faithful and fearless testimony against the practice of hold- 
ing their fellow creatures in bondage — let them describe 
in the solemn and impressive language of inspiration, the 
unlawfulness of the gain of oppression — the sinfulness of 
grinding the face of the poor, and causing the objects of 
redeeming love to languish in interminable bondage. Let 
religious Societies exclude from membership all who will 
not emancipate their slaves — let them make it a sine qua 
non, in their admission to communion and church fellow- 
ship. Let them interpose the powerful agency of religion 
to the further progress of this moral pestilence — let them 
plant their standard upon this ocean of bitter waters, and 
say, hitherto shalt thou come, but no further, and here 
shall thy polluted waves be stayed — let them preserve 
their own pure camp from the leprosy of slavery, and shot* 



15 

*o the world an example of christian philanthropy, which 
will be felt and approved by the pious, the benevolent, 
and the wise in every section of our country — let them 
do all these things, and the curse of slavery will ere long 
be removed from our borders. 

It is not necessary to define the manner of excluding 
slave holders from the advantages of membership in reli- 
gious Societies. Each Society has its own code of disci- 
pline, or form of church government. If the principle 
should be adopted that the holding of slaves should be a 
barrier to communion or church fellowship; the mode of 
acting would be regulated by the same rules as in other 
cases of admission or exclusion from membership. The 
example of the Society of Friends proves the importance 
of the measure to the cause in general, and its salutary 
effects upon the. community. It is about seventy years 
since the Society in this country made it a part of their 
discipline that none of their members should hold slaves. 

Among the first advocates of the measure in Pennsyl- 
vania, were Benjamin Lay aud Ralph Sandiford. These 
men may be considered the pioneers in the great and glo- 
rious work of emancipation. They bore a fearless testi- 
mony against the slavery of the African race, at a time 
when public opinion was opposed to abolition ; and we 
have reason to believe that they were instrumental in 
opening the eyes of many to the iniquity of slavery. Af- 
ter them followed Benezet and Woolman in the same 
cause — men whose universal philanthropy, and christian 
benevolence shone conspicuous in every important ac- 
tion of their lives. For many years the testimonies of 
such men as Lay and Sandiford were received by some of 
their brethren as the ebullitions of fanaticism, or the va- 
garies of a heated imagination. But the voice of truth 
and philanthropy was heard by many with calmness and 
impartiality. A consciousness of the unlawfulness of hold- 
ing mankind in bondage was extended among the mem- 
bers — other advocates of the cause of emancipation were 
raised up, and justice at length triumphed in the utter ex- 
tinction of slavery in the Society. Benjamin Lay lived to 
see the accomplishment of the desire of his heart — the 



16 

adoption of a rule of discipline of the yearly meeting of 
Pennsylvania for disowning all those who would not free 
their slaves. When informed of this conclusion, by a 
friend who called to see him for the purpose of giving him 
the information, "The venerable and constant friend and 
advocate of that oppressed race of men, attentively listen- 
ed to the heart-cheering intelligence, and after a few mo- 
ments reflection on what he had heard, he rose from his 
chair, and in an attitude of devotional reverence, poured 
forth this pious ejaculation; Thanksgiving and praise be 
rendered unto the Lord God. After a short pause he ad- 
ded — J can now die in peace."* He lived but a few 
weeks after this event. 

From that period to the present time, the Society of 
Friends have been proverbial for their opposition to sla- 
very. They have revived the subject from year to year 
in their annual assemblies. The younger members have 
been trained under the influence of a settled aversion to 
the system. The testimony against slavery has become 
identified with their religion, influencing their habits, and 
giving a direction to their actions. The consequence is, that 
the whole weight of their influence as a religious associa- 
tion, has been exerted to loose the fetters of the captive. 
To this influence, in a great measure, Pennsylvania owes 
the honor of having been the first State in the Union to 
pass a law for the abolition of slavery. The first act of 
legislation, expressly designed for the extinction of slavery 
was passed by the general Assembly of Pennsylvania 
March 1, 1780. The example has been followed succes- 
sively by Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New- 
Hampshire, New York, and New Jersey. In five other 
States, slavery is prohibited by the Constitution. 

A cursory view of the effects produced by the decided 
stand taken by the Society of Friends, against the iniqui- 
tious practice of holding mankind in bondage, will be suf- 
ficient to show the vast and incalculable influence which 
would be brought into action, were the more numerous 
bodies of christians in our country to unite their efforts in 
the same cause. The Methodists have done much in this 
* Life of Benjamin Lay, by Roberta Vaux 



XI 

good work. Though they have not fully incorporated 
abolition with their religion — though they have not in all 
cases, made the holding of slaves a barrier to communion 
and church fellowship ; yet their preachers have not ceas- 
ed to proclaim the important truth, that all men ought of 
right to be free. They have often boldly and conscien- 
tiously discharged their duty as christian ministers, by 
pourtraying in glowing colours the sinfulness of slavery. 
They have opened their mouths for the dumb, and plead 
the cause of the poor and the oppressed. They have bro- 
ken the jaws of the wicked, and plucked the spoil out of 
his teeth. Wherever the influence of this Society has ex- 
tended, the cause of the degraded African, has found able 
and efficient advocates. Through their means many thou- 
sands have been restored to their rights ; and a direction 
given to public opinion, in many places, unfavourable to 
slavery. It is devoutly to be wished, that they would ad- 
vance yet one step further, and cleanse their camp from 
the unclean thing that still remains — that they would 
make no compromise with slavery, but wash their hands 
of the pollution. 

Great credit is also due to the Presbyterians in the 
Western States. Some of them have laboured with a no- 
ble and disinterested perseverence in the cause of eman- 
cipation. Their resolution appears to be formed, never 
to cease their efforts, until their Society is purged from the 
stain of slavery. If this consummation should be achieved, 
which we ardently hope, and confidently believe will even- 
tually crown the labours of those christian philanthropists 
who have engaged in the work, the cause of abolition will 
acquire a moral force and preponderence in the community 
which will be felt in every section of the country. 

The Baptists, too, in some parts of the Western States 
have taken up the question of slavery as a religious duty. 
I regret that my information is so limited in regard to the 
labours of these two last named Societies. It appears that 
they design to accomplish the total exclusion of slavehold- 
ers from communion and church membership in their re- 
spective Societies. How far they have progressed in their 
endeavours to cleanse their camp from so foul a pollution. 



18 

\ ami unable at present to say. But every friend to hu- 
manity can join in cordial approbation of their efforts in 
the righteous cause, and in the hope that they may per- 
severe until they see, as did the pious Lay, their labours 
crowned with success — see of the travail of their souls, 
and be satisfied. 

Every individual in the community should be encoura- 
ged to the performance of his duty to the cause of eman- 
cipation however small may be his means of usefulness : 
for by individual faithfulness, great results have often been 
produced ; and apparently insignificant causes have some- 
times effected important reformations. Thomas Clarkson 
was engaged to devote his life to the cause of abolition, 
by being called upon to write a prize essay on the subject 
of slavery. When he first turned his attention to the ques- 
tion to be discussed, he knew not where to begin. He was 
totally ignorant of the subject upon which he was about 
to write. He was destitute of the means of acquiring the 
knowledge necessary to enable him to discuss the question 
of slavery. He knew not to whom to apply for informa- 
tion, or where to procure the necessary authorities. In 
this hopeless condition, he saw in a window, as he passed 
along the streets of London, Anthony Benezet's account 
of Guinea. He bought the book, and found it to contain 
a clue to all the authorities he required. He engaged in 
the contest for the prize, and obtained it ; and from this 
small beginning became the principal instrument for the 
accomplishment of the abolition of the British slave trade 
Again. The labours of those who conscientiously enga- 
ged in the cause of abolition as a religious duty, gave a 
tone to public opinion in the northern and middle states, 
which resulted in the enactment of laws for the total ex- 
tinction of slavery in those states. To the same cause 
may be attributed the ordinance of 1787, by which slavery 
has been forever excluded from the States and Terri- 
tories North and West of the river Ohio. Their rapid 
and unexampled advance in wealth and population, fully 
establishes the wisdom of the measure. 

These, and similar examples show the importance of in- 
dividual faithfulness in the performance of every duty. It 



19 

is by such means that all great and important reformation? 
of abuses have been effected : for society can only act 
efficiently by means of individuals. Let each man labour 
in his own particular sphere, and the influence of his exam- 
ple will extend to those with whom he is connected in civil 
or religious society. And thus organised associations may 
be brought to act efficiently in a collective capacity. 

Let then every Christian minister, and every religious 
association, and each individual member of a religious so- 
ciety endeavour to eradicate the stain of slavery from our 
land, by the effectual operation of the lenient princi- 
ples of Christianity. Let the voice of justice and human- 
ity be heard from every pulpit, and resound from the walls 
of every church — let the fiat of universal emancipation be 
issued from every Conference, Synod, and General As- 
sembly throughout the country, — let the pious associations 
of the present age, for distributing the Scriptures, and 
communicating a knowledge of the Christian Religion to 
distant regions, proclaim freedom to the captive, and the 
work will, ere long, be accomplished. Slavery will soon 
cease to be a curse upon our country, and a disgrace to 
our nation. Then will the blessing of him that was ready 
to perish, come upon us, and the soul of the emancipated 
slave will be made to sing for joy. 



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